It was no secret to the three-time doctor Samuel García: by requesting leave for more than thirty days, his opponents, with a majority in the state Congress, could appoint an interim governor. Thus, with no room for interpretation and with great daring, he decided to launch himself into the presidential race. Embracing the maxim of the national coordinator of his party, which says that politics is not, politics is, he threw himself into the ring ready to face the bull. Attack by attack. He would manipulate the legal system to tame it.
The young politician appointed his Secretary General of the Government as interim manager. Meanwhile, the PAN and the PRI—despite their historic rhetoric about the division of powers—appointed the president of the Superior Court of Justice to the same position. Both designations were invalidated by the Judiciary. Finally, after a chaotic episode in the local Congress, similar to the storming of the United States Capitol by Donald Trump’s followers, legislators appointed Luis Enrique Orozco, deputy state attorney. To avoid this, Samuel quickly returned to his seat as governor.
Until a few hours ago, the Supreme Court and the State Congress were resisting Samuel García’s return to office. A scandal in three dimensions. First, because there is no legal basis that allows them to do so. Second, because the leave procedures seek to manage the temporary absences of the officials who request it, and the reality is that—his restless and mischievous governor—had returned. Finally, it is undemocratic by challenging the will of the 37% of the people of New York who elected Samuel García as their governor for six years.
The objective has been met: the interim governor has resigned and Samuel García has been reinstated as governor as of 2:08 p.m. on Monday, which automatically prevents him from running for president. One less problem for the Front.
The enigmas are becoming clearer. For now, it remains pending who will be MC’s next presidential candidate, which will be defined on January 20. Whoever it is, Delgado or Máynez, Chertorivski or Mercado, Zepeda or Marcelo, any of them will give the coup de grace to the Broad Front candidacy for Mexico. No doubt. The first of five certainties that the neolonian hustle and bustle leaves us with. The campaign—if you want, frivolous and aspirational—that the couple from Nuevo León had undertaken displaced Xóchitl Gálvez from the narrative and promised to do so in the elections as well. In just two weeks, phosphorescent orange tennis shoes and a candidate without substance snatched 14% of the electoral preferences from the candidate, more than half of the percentage that she has garnered since the doors of the National Palace were closed to her.
The second certainty that will be revealed through the surveys is the negative impact of the brawl on people’s perception of the PAN, the PRI and MC. The three games will see his unfavorable image accentuated: the first due to his tyrannical practices and the last due to his impulsiveness and haste. As a reference, let us remember that in the latest surveys (Buendía & Márquez) the PRI had a balance of opinion of -42, the PAN of -26 and Movimiento Ciudadano of +9. Will the progressive party follow the course of old politics on its path to decline?
The third certainty that the brawl leaves us with is the comparative solidity of Morena’s foundations compared to the opposition parties. While the cherry party builds second floors of concrete—with its own contradictions and flaws—others strive to build precarious houses of cards that collapse at the first challenge.
Quarter. The Judiciary continues to play double against single. Some judges are willing to bend the law to favor their friends, ignoring the crisis of legitimacy in which they are mired. They have forgotten that around seventy percent of the population disapproves of their performance, a product of their lack of connection with citizens, problematic resolutions and a successful presidential campaign. This is precisely what the so-called Plan C is based on: Morena’s project to obtain a qualified majority in Congress and which promises a profound reform of the judiciary. Judges continue to forge their own ruin while applying cheerful interpretations to friends and plain law to enemies.
Although it is true that the Supreme Court did not originate the black hole that trapped Nuevo León, it was the judicial power that rarefied space-time. The strategic use of the justice apparatus for political purposes by Samuel García bordered on grotesque extremes. A particularly surprising episode was the suspension granted by a district judge in labor matters—yes, labor—to the Secretary General of the Government to protect him from being dismissed as interim manager. Hard to believe? I wish it were.
The fifth and final certainty is that the Citizen Movement has failed in its narrative, which presents its party as the new alternative to the old. Their bumpy path has highlighted that youth often make impulsive decisions and lack maturity. The youngest candidate in the history of Mexico showed himself like this: plenty of energy and little sense. A mischievous His bold move put his party at a disadvantage heading into the presidential race. His candidate will have less time to make herself known and build alliances with leaders and groups of voters, as well as less media visibility.
The latest polls from October (Buendía & Márquez) show Dante Delgado with 31% recognition, in contrast to the 36% that Samuel had and with a positive evaluation of +3 in contrast to a +4 for García. So they weren’t very far from each other. In January, will he be able to get closer to Sheinbaum’s positive evaluation, which today is around 50, or Gálvez’s 20? If Dante Delgado, 72-year-old founder of the orange party, turns out to be the winner of the internal process to compete for the presidency, he will face the challenge of transforming the youth narrative of his party. Was that his strategy from the beginning? Throw Samuel into the water to question the suitability of youth in politics? If that was his goal, he seems to have achieved it.
Nuevo León has resolved the mess. Samuel García, excluded from the presidential race, resumes his position as governor. Meanwhile, the Citizen Movement’s path will continue to be intertwined with that of the presidential race. A month and a few days separate us from knowing the name of the person who will relegate Gálvez to the third rung.
Subscribe to continue reading
Read without limits